Every non-hyperbolic tweet is from iPhone his staff. Every hyperbolic tweet is from Android from him. But how could we examine it quantitatively? My analysis, shown below, concludes that the Android and iPhone tweets are clearly from different people, posting during different times of day and using hashtags, links, and retweets in distinct ways.
Racism, sexism, and homophobia have all reached appalling levels—that seem only to rise with each passing year. White students in Jena hang nooses, and Black students end up in prison. Media pundits barely comment on the outrages described above, while mainstream discourse regularly heaps contempt on those attempting to fight against oppression—including young women organizing against date rape which is assumed to be a figment of their feminism-charged imaginations and immigrants demanding basic legal rights as if they are out to steal jobs from native-born workers.
It is no wonder, therefore, that so many people who experience oppression feel so embattled in the current political climate. Only a movement aimed at fighting oppression in all its forms can challenge the victim-blaming ideology that prevails today.
The pressing need for such a movement is acknowledged here. Indeed, this article is intended to address the issue of how to most effectively fight back, since different political strategies lead to quite different conclusions about the kind of movement that is needed to challenge oppression.
My central premise is that Marxism provides the theoretical tools for ending oppression, while identity politics does not. Personal identity versus the politics of identity It is important to make a clear distinction between personal identity and identity politics, since the two are often used interchangeably.
But there is a substantial difference between these two concepts. Racism is, of course, experienced on a very personal level—whether it takes the form of institutional discrimination racist hiring practices, police brutality or social interaction racist jokes, violence from an acknowledged racist.
Indeed, no white person can ever understand what it is like to experience racism. No straight person can understand what it is like to experience homophobia. And even among people who are oppressed by racism, every type of experience is different.
A Black person and a Native American person, for example, experience racism differently—as does a person from Mexico versus a person from Puerto Rico. A gay man and a lesbian have quite different experiences. At the same time, personal experience is quite separate from the realm of politics, which involves strategies to affect society as a whole.
Personal identity only becomes political when it moves beyond the realm of life experience and becomes a strategy for fighting against oppression. Every set of politics is based upon a theory—in this case, an analysis of the root causes of oppression.
So the analysis of oppression informs the politics of social movements against oppression. There are clear differences in strategy between Marxism and the theory of identity politics, which will be examined below. It is first necessary, however, to make clear which facts are not in dispute.
Both theories are in agreement that all oppression is based on genuine inequality. Men and women are not treated as equals in society. Whites and African Americans are not treated at all equally. Oppression is not a matter of perception, but of concrete, material reality.
The same dynamic is true of the struggle for Black liberation.
Former slaves and other African Americans led the battle for Reconstruction aimed at transforming Southern plantation society in the decades following the Civil War. African Americans led the mass civil rights movement that finally struck down Southern segregation in the s and s.
All of these new movements were, in turn, inspired by the armed struggle of the North Vietnamese resistance against the forces of U. The gay liberation movement was the first of its kind—erupting in the Stonewall Rebellion inwhen New York City police raided a gay bar and touched off a riot among gays that lasted for three days.
Although the gay movement won little support in its early stages, movement leaders soon convinced the Black Panther Party to formally endorse gay rights. InBlack Panther leader Huey Newton announced his solidarity with the gay movement: As the experience of the s shows, it is not necessary to personally experience a form of oppression to become committed to opposing it.
Yet the central premise of the theory of identity politics is based on precisely the opposite conclusion: Only those who actually experience a particular form of oppression are capable of fighting against it.
Everyone else is considered to be part of the problem and cannot become part of the solution by joining the fight against oppression. The flip side of this assumption, of course, is the idea that each group that faces a particular form of oppression—racism, sexism, or homophobia—is united in its interest in ending it.
That is true, but it only tells half the story. It would be highly inaccurate to assume that all oppressed people are powerless in U. Since the movements of the s and s, a significant number of women, gays, Blacks, and other racially oppressed minorities have managed to climb up the corporate and political ladder and become absorbed into various power structures.
These individuals have achieved a fair amount of power in their own right. The speaker of the House of Representatives is a woman, Nancy Pelosi. One of the most powerful politicians in Washington is openly gay Congressman Barney Frank.
Whose interests have these women, gays, and African Americans represented once they have achieved some power within the system?Much of the debate about identity in recent decades has been about personal identity, and specifically about personal identity over time, but identity generally, and the identity of things of other kinds, have also attracted attention.
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analysis of individual processes and interpersonal interaction. This concern with the individual self also permeates commonly used research paradigms, in which manipulations and measures expressly or inadvertently focus on the individual GSR SELF AND SOCIAL IDENTITY.
34 thoughts on “ The Transgender Brain ” Allie October 26, at am. I am so glad to have found this site. I knew I couldn’t be the only one in the area.
I’m not sure this is posted in the right place and really hope that the social heading will expand. Oligonucleotide Analysis and Bioanalysis. Oligonucleotide therapeutic analysis for identity, purity, quality, strength, structure characterisation, physicochemical properties and bioanalysis supporting antisense & other oligo product development.
This difference-in-differences analysis uses data from the Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System to evaluate the association between state same-sex marriage p.