Lawrence THE HANDLE, which varies in length according to the height of its user, and in some cases is made by that user to his or her specifications, is like most of the other parts of the tool in that it has a name and thus a character of its own.
Although Bernheim did not explicitly talk about virtue, the article shows that his Lehrbuch nonetheless considers self-distanciation a matter of virtuous behavior, targeted at an aim that may not be fully realizable, but ought to be pursued with all possible vigor.
Focusing on some of its most important spokespeople, the paper shows that they start from the historicist presupposition that distance can in principle be overcome by a reconstruction of the original intentions of the framers of the Constitution.
With the help of Hans-Georg Gadamer, who explicitly based his philosophical hermeneutics on the notion of distance, this presupposition will be criticized. The paper concludes that the originalist and hermeneuticist positions do not mutually exclude each other, but can be synthesized if they are seen as different questions about the same text.
The meaning of the Constitution is therefore not given but is dependent on the direction of the questions asked by the interpreter. From this question-dependency of meaning it follows that interpretation follows the law of acoustics: The spatial metaphor of distance at work in this intuition is thought to provide the basis for the epistemological model appropriate for understanding the nature of historical knowledge.
This results in two claims: This essay discusses the pros and cons of these two claims. It argues that the two claims are indeed the best way to begin our analysis of the relationship between the past and the historical text or representation.
However, we cannot afford to stop there; indeed, we must ask ourselves where the associations we have with the metaphor of temporal distance may, in the end, be misleading.
This will enable us to recognize that the notion of distance will, finally, have to yield its prerogatives to that of the notion of function.
Historical writing is functionalist in the sense that the historical text is a substitute for the past discussed in it. That is its function. The intentionalist alternative to essentialism elaborated in this article successfully clarifies and avoids many standard problems with anachronism.
Myth in History, Philosophy of History as Myth: It attempts to show that their conceptions of myth are closely related to their respective assumptions concerning the historical significance of myth and regarding the sense of history more generally.
Historians often say that the micro level casts light on the macro level. In this essay, I propose and clarify six interpretive norms to guide micro-to-macro inferences.
I focus on marginal groups and monsters.
These are popular cases in social and cultural histories, and yet seem to be unpromising candidates for generalization. Marginal groups are dismissed by the majority as inferior or ill-fitting; their lives seem intelligible but negligible.Ambiguity is a type of meaning in which several interpretations are plausible.
in the face of death. In calling his work Being and Nothingness an "essay in phenomenological ontology" Jean-Paul Sartre follows Heidegger in defining the human essence as ambiguous, or relating fundamentally to such ambiguity. Kev Bickerdike – Sheffield Hallam University “It’s a bloody heritage place”: Violent Identity Formation within Sightseers.
Ben Wheatley has established himself as a prolific British cinematic presence, and his films consistently capture the seething, profound dangers that .
Threats against Bush at public protests. A protester with a sign saying “Kill Bush” and advocating that the White House be bombed, at the March 18, anti-war rally in San Francisco. DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS Working Paper Ideological State Apparatuses, Consumerism, and U.S.
Capitalism: Lessons for the Left undermining it within the framework of an anti-capitalist politics. Key words: Exploitation, Consumerism, Ideology, Althusser and the mass media. They worked less by power and politics (as did the RSAs) and more by.
As you can see from the chart, the percentage of Americans who had a “great deal” or a “fair amount” of trust in the news media has declined from over 70 percent shortly after Watergate to . International, independent and influential.
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